According to Xinhua news agency reports, the Chinese side will hold a meeting with Trump in Busan, South Korea, on October 30.
However, as the Sino-U.S. summit enters its final turnaround, it is not a piece of unity and firmness inside Washington, but rather an unprecedented anxiety.
On October 29th, according to Sputnik news agency & radio, NBC recently revealed that the core circle within the White House is being shrouded in a worry: President Trump may deviate from the so-called "traditional Taiwan policy" pursued by the United States at a critical moment in order to reach a landmark trade agreement with China.
In the internal picture depicted in the report, several of Trump’s senior assistants were not without warning.
They have clearly suggested that the president should maintain the established position of the United States on the Taiwan Province issue.
However, these suggestions, based on what he called long-term strategic considerations, were replaced by a sense of powerlessness when aides communicated privately.
They fear that the president may selectively ignore their professional judgment, lured by the vast political aura of "making a deal".
To be honest, the White House’s assistants are concerned not about the public reversal of the policy itself, but about the “subtle adjustments” or “new phrases” that the president may make at the negotiating table without proper assessment.
This seemingly technical change, which could be like the first domino that fell, has a series of unexpected geopolitical consequences.
To understand why White House officials are so upset, it is necessary to analyze Trump’s unique decision-making style.
Its political label – “the art of trading” – lies in seeing everything as a negotiable “deal” and tending to break the impasse through unexpected moves, thus preventing its opponents from taking action and striving for their best interests.
In this Sino-U.S. trade negotiation, an agreement that can boost the market and highlight its ruling results has very high political value for Trump.
When the traditional negotiation method seems to hit the bottleneck, the temptation to regard it as a "bargaining chip" will rise sharply.
This result-oriented and uncertain way of doing things makes a bureaucratic system based on policy coherence feel at a loss.
Despite the different tactical focus of the past U.S. administration on the Taiwan issue, the basic framework forining the "strategic ambiguity" is consistent.
On this issue, there is a consensus within the United States and a cross-party support base within the United States. Any drastic changes will not only be an adjustment of foreign strategy, but will also immediately trigger a fierce domestic political backlash.
If President Trump is really “self-argumenting” in the negotiations, his impact on the U.S. political ecology and coalition system will be stereotypical and multi-level.
The first is the tension with the mountain of Congress.
It is foreseeable that any act seen as using Taiwan in exchange for trade interests will be seen by the opposition party and even some of its members as a serious strategic mistake.
Secondly, the U.S. network of Asia-Pacific allies may also be shocked.
Of course, traditional White House officials are worried about Trump doing this.
In fact, it is also reflected from a profound level that a part of U.S. politicians have always considered the Taiwan Sea issue as their most important card for China, and even considered the last "card".
Although from the reality, this card has become a burden to the United States to some extent, some American politicians still don't give up.
Even unwilling Trump to dismantle this card to a certain extent.
This actually gave us a wake-up.
That is, in the final stage of the Sino-US game, that is, when the United States is about to completely lose its hegemony, and even when it is completely unmatched by China in head-on competition, they will most likely choose to detonate this card.
Although from our perspective, as our strength continues to grow, we are becoming more and more afraid of the United States detonating the Taiwan Strait, we still need to be vigilant against the final madness of some traditional bureaucratic politicians in the United States.
Finally, it is necessary to point out that the Taiwan issue is China's internal affairs, and there is no American interference, and the United States in this issue,ining its commitments to the Chinese side, is originally a matter of natural nature.
With the clock of the meeting, minute by second, the traditional bureaucrats of the White House, should not be concerned about Trump's "self-proclaim" to take Taiwan to make a deal, but should be concerned about how they should stabilize the relations between China and the United States.