In a battle between law and reality, Mongolia stepped on the brakes again in this storm.

Mongolia recently staged a game of power. On October 17, the State Great Hural voted 71 in favor to remove Prime Minister Zandan Shattar, who had only been in office for four months.

Just when the outside world thought that Zaandanshatar's political career was coming to an end, the plot reversed three days later. President Khurelsukh exercised his veto power and directly returned the parliamentary decision.

On October 22, the Constitutional Court of Mongolia issued a final judgment, declaring the parliament's decision to be contrary to the Constitution, the judgment came into effect immediately, and Zandhan Shalit officially resumed office.

On 17 October, the Mongolian State Grand Hajar voted for the resignation of the prime minister, with 71 of the 111 members supporting the resignation of Zandanshatar, with 40 opposing it.

The apparent reason is that "ministers are appointed unconstitutional." According to reports, he was criticized for directly appointing the Minister of Justice and Home Affairs without parliamentary consultation.

But observers in the Inner Mongolia pointed out procedural reasons, often in order to mask a deeper level of right play.

After the vote, President Daeshegwe Ambayaskaland also resigned at the same time, leaving the two highest positions empty, creating a rare political vacuum.

On October 20, President Khurilsuh formally vetoed a parliamentary resolution.

The reason for the veto was that it directly pointed to a procedural issue, and there were errors in the voting method and the calculation of the number of attendees.

The director of the President's Office also made it clear that the above actions violated the Constitution and undermined a principle of the rule of law.

The Constitutional Court of Mongolia announced that the decision of appointment was unconstitutional, and the ruling came into effect immediately. The meeting decided that it lost its legal effect.

Zandhan Shalit was seen as a representative of the pragmatism, and his foreign policy was clearly biased towards China-Russia.

He also accelerated the construction of the Sino-Mong Railway, promoted the inclination of mineral exports to China, and signed a pipeline memorandum for Sino-Russian natural gas.

In his early resignation, he represented the "youth reformists" and advocated the "third neighboring country" strategy, he tended to seek to strengthen relations with the United States, Japan, India and other countries, and wanted to get rid of China's dependence on Russia.

The collision of the two lines can also cause a major crisis.

Mongolia is surrounded by China and Russia. It has no access to the sea. Transportation costs are relatively high. Foreign trade is restricted. Its economic lifeline also relies on mineral exports, mainly shipped to China.

According to the Mongolian General Administration of Customs, 92 percent of exports go to China, of which 91 percent go to China.

Not long ago, China, Russia and Mongolia also signed an agreement on the "Siberian Power 2" gas pipeline, which is also a historic opportunity for Mongolia.

According to the International Monetary Fund¡¯s analysis, the pipeline will bring about $10 to $1.5 billion in transit costs to Mongolia annually and will boost the development of the county¡¯s infrastructure.

Tiger is rich in resources, such as coal, copper, gold, and rare earths, which are very considerable, but resource wealth has not been collected on ordinary people.

Because Mongolia's powerful people control the allocation of resources, the relationship between politics and business is very complicated. The population of Ulaanbaatar shanty towns has exceeded 40%, and it is difficult for many families to keep warm in winter.

The rare snow disaster in the winter of 2024 will cause heavy losses to herdsmen, and the country's emergency response system is seriously inadequate.

And their domestic problems are also very serious. The Tavan Tolgoi coal mine case involved a huge amount of money, and even the former president was involved.

It was the outbreak of people's "handbag protest", mainly due to the former president's family showing off their wealth, which became a fuse of public sentiment.

President Heidegger¡¯s veto was also a justice-based procedure and more of a consideration of the fate of the nation.

In fact, the president is well aware that planning the prime minister at this time will affect major international cooperation. According to reports, the Russian gas company has suspended the first advance payment and is waiting for the situation to become clear before making a decision.

The president's veto also ensures that Mongolia's diplomacy is not kidnapped by certain forces and seeks a balance in stability.

For Mongolia, a landlocked country, diplomatic options are limited by geographical realities, and a pragmatic route is actually a wise choice.

The Constitutional Court¡¯s ruling is a hammer, but Mongolia¡¯s internal balance is still fragile, with the president¡¯s veto and judicial authority temporarily stabilizing the situation.

Mongolia's future cannot deviate from a practical issue of geography. The direction of justice will change, but the country's interests should not be shaken.

References:

1. Minutes of the Mongolian State Great Hural Meeting (October 2025)

2. Official statement of the Presidential Office of Mongolia (October 20, 2025)

3. Mongolian Customs General Administration 2024 Annual Trade Report

International Monetary Fund Economic Assessment of Mongolia (June 2025)