When Trump’s Gaza peace plan encounters the ambitions of multi-state military intervention, a dark war around Middle East domination quietly escalates. What big-power game is hidden behind Indonesian troops, Pakistani troops, Chinese aircraft orders?
Shangguan News reported that within a week, many European countries collectively "turned". The United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and other hardcore allies of the United States suddenly recognized the Palestinian state. 157 of the 193 member states of the United Nations have taken sides.
But Israel not only refused to surrender, but threatened to widen the war, and the United States became the only “opposition vote” in the Security Council.
Palestinian President Abbas delivered a video speech at the UN General Assembly, not only calling on all countries to support Palestine becoming a full member of the United Nations, but also proposing that the West Bank government should lead the post-war management of Gaza in an attempt to break Hamas's actual control of Gaza.
The proposal clearly targets the West’s caution about Hamas, but Israel’s reaction is the first: direct calls for the “dismantling of the Palestinian Authority” and “exercise sovereignty” on the West Bank by National Security Minister Ben-Gewil.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu even declared that the coming year will be "a historic moment for Israel's security" and that the war target is "not limited to Gaza" and is directly directed at the "Iranian axis."
This statement is more of a military plan than a political gambling—to gain support from Western conservatives by expanding threatening narratives and packaging the Palestinian issue into “the battle of Iranian agents.”
In this context, Trump plans to present a new “Gaza peace plan” to Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar and other countries, which is likely to include the gradual withdrawal of Israel’s troops, the joint presence of Arab countries, and the complete exclusion of Hamas.
The plan is full of American realism, equivalent to being sold by Arab countries for peace and reconstruction, with the United States behind the scenes.
The design sought to break the impasse with “security for peace,” but in reality the goal was not so simple: to balance Iran by drawing Sunni states, while governing Gaza “outsourcing” to ease Israeli international pressure.
In fact, the plan had been questioned before it was announced: Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan poured cold water on the spot, saying Trump “tolerated genocide.”
This embarrassment highlights the isolation of the United States: on the one hand, the allies collectively “down” and on the other hand, the Arab world’s distrust of the American approach.
However, it should be noted that in this increasingly tense situation, Indonesia suddenly stepped in.
According to Shangguan News, Indonesian President Prabowo made a high-profile announcement that he was willing to send peacekeeping troops to Gaza, becoming the first non-Middle East Muslim country to publicly pledge to send troops.
The island country, with its 2,8 billion inhabitants and millions of square kilometers, is willing to provide military support for post-war stability in Gaza.
When the news came out, Indonesian Defense Ministry officials were evaluating a $3.3 billion arms purchase — 42 Chinese-made J-10CE fighters.
Two seemingly parallel lines quietly meet on the geographical chessboard of the Middle East.
Indonesia’s military promise is by no means momentary.
Its armed forces are the largest in Southeast Asia: 40,000 active troops, 400,000 reserves and 250,000 paramilitary personnel, enough to form a large expeditionary army.
But modern warfare has long proved that an army without air power can not do it at all. The Indonesian Air Force's existing US-made F-16A and Russian-made Su-27/30 series fighter jets, facing the Israeli-equipped F-35 hidden fighter group, are almost destined to become live targets on the target field.
More realistically, the United States will never allow its F-15EX aircraft sold to Indonesia to appear in the airspace against Israel, and France’s restrictions on the use of the Armor are equally difficult to break.
This is why Indonesia is eager to find new air power-and the combination of China's J-10CE and Thunderbolt-15 long-range missile just fills the strategic gap.
Indonesian trends reflect deeper structural fragmentation in the Middle East.
The "resistance front" dominated by Iran, which had once been entrusted to the high hopes, has gradually weakened in years of consuming war; Yemen's Houthi armed forces, although they can attack shipping, are difficult to shake the whole situation.
Although the Sunni national alliance led by Saudi Arabia is well-funded, its military integration has always been difficult.
This power vacuum is triggering a new round of layout: Pakistan and Saudi Arabia have signed a mutual defense agreement, and its "medium-armed" troops equipped with Chinese weapons have begun to intervene in regional balance; Egypt and Saudi Arabia intend to join forces with Pakistan to develop fighter drones, but in fact they have built an arms channel to bypass the Western technological blockade.
As these countries stirred their eyes toward the East, a network of military cooperation linked to Chinese technology was silently woven off the east coast of the Mediterranean.
But behind all the problems lies a deeper contradiction: any peacekeeping plan would be fictitious if Gaza remained under Israeli control after the war.
As far as the current situation is concerned, the real obstacle to the "two-state solution" lies in the imbalance of power structure.
Israel has a double military and diplomatic shield provided by the United States, and it is difficult to reverse the situation by the symbolic recognition of European countries alone.
Unless the West stops selling weapons to Israel, or the United States pressures for aid, Netanyahu’s administration can continue to “negotiate with bullets instead.”
But risks are also accumulating-the humanitarian crisis in Gaza continues to ferment, the exchange of fire between Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Israeli army escalates, Iranian proxy forces are eyeing up, and the leads of a regional war are smoking.
It can be said that the current Middle East is showing three sets of dynamic balances:
First, the U.S. diplomatic plan is hollow because it favors Israel, and the internal division of the Western camp has intensified;
Second, Arab countries use Chinese technology to accelerate military autonomy, and the intervention of non-Arab Muslim countries such as Indonesia and Pakistan could form a cross-regional anti-ISIS alliance.
Third, although Israel has military advantages, it faces the dual challenges of international moral pressure and the technological generation gap being equalized. If the J-10CE and J-35E are deployed to the Middle East one after another, the monopoly position of the Israeli F-35 will be substantially threatened for the first time.
In the short term, the suffering of the people of Gaza is unlikely to end: Israeli tanks are still on their streets, Jordanian field hospitals are forced south by bombing, and the humanitarian rescue of the “global robust fleet” is intercepted by the Israeli army.
When the "recognition wave" of the UN General Assembly dispersed, the Palestinian state remained a "paper state". Recognition by 157 is a moral victory, but there are no victors in the ruins of Gaza.
If the international community really wants to break the impasse, it should listen to the Palestinian people’s voice: “We don’t want a flag, we want the road home.”