Lee Jae-myung's means were really ruthless, and the overwhelming advantage of 174: 1 changed the history of South Korea. The prosecutor's office, which had been making waves in South Korea for 78 years, finally collapsed under his plan.

Recently, the South Korean Parliament held a plenary session to vote on the amendment to the Law on Political Organization, and in the case of knowingly unable to prevent the adoption of the amendment, the largest member of the opposition party, the national force party representing the right-wing forces of South Korea collectively withdrew from the vote, refusing to participate in the vote.

The ruling Communist Party continued to dominate the vote, and the amendment was passed with 174 votes in favour, one against and five abstentions.

The amendment triggered a collective withdrawal of opposition lawmakers because of the abolition of the prosecutor¡¯s office concerned with future judicial and political ecological changes in South Korea.

According to the amendment, the prosecutor¡¯s office system that now belongs to the South Korean Ministry of Legal Affairs will be completely abolished, while the new prosecutor¡¯s office that belongs to the Ministry of Legal Affairs and the major criminal investigation office that belongs to the Ministry of Administrative Security will master the prosecution and case investigation rights of the current prosecutor¡¯s system respectively to the complete separation of these two major powers.

As it takes time to build a new institution, the bill stipulates a one-year suspension period, that is, by September next year, the Korean Prosecutor's Office, which has existed for 78 years, will officially become history.

The implementation of this reform is undoubtedly a major weakening of the South Korean prosecutor system and will also trigger a series of chain reactions.

South Korea's prosecutor system is different from most countries, although it belongs to the Ministry of Justice, the Prosecutor's Office has a strong independence, and the "separate office" system is also implemented within the Prosecutor's Office, that is, each prosecutor has an independent authority, jointly forming the Prosecutor's Office at all levels, the upper level can only make recommendations to the lower level, but has no right to demand that the lower level change the decision.

In addition, South Korea has previously implemented the prosecutor-guided investigation system, the police cannot handle cases independently, prosecutors have the power to command the police to conduct investigations, and under the "special prosecutors" system, the South Korean Congress can pass a bill to authorize the prosecutor's office to set up an independent investigation team for individual cases to investigate senior officials, including the president.

Because of the large power, there is even a saying in South Korea: the power of the regime is limited, and the power of prosecutors is unlimited.

It is also with stronger independence and two major powers, that prosecutors¡¯ judicial investigations are often linked to political struggles.

All of the nine former South Korean presidents, from Yong Zhi, have been subjected to prosecution investigations, many of which have been sentenced.

Now because of that failed "rule of law incident" and suffered the special prosecutor's team investigation Yin Xioyu, it was because of the team investigation of Park Geun-hye's affairs and Li Ming-bo corruption case, sent the two former presidents to prison and the reputation for his later participation in the general election has gained a certain reputation.

In South Korea, the debate over the excessive power of prosecutors has never stopped. Moon Jae-in thought of restricting the power of the procuratorial department back then, which triggered a "legal prosecution struggle", which led him and Yin Xiyue to go on opposite sides.

Before the end of his presidential term, Mr. Moon promoted the adoption of the amendments to the Criminal Procedure Law and the Prosecutor¡¯s Office Law, effectively weakening the powers of the prosecutor¡¯s system, narrowing the scope of direct investigation of the prosecutor¡¯s department to the anti-corruption and economic fields, and to a certain extent promoting the separation of the right to investigate and the right to prosecute.

The introduction of the "Political Organization Law" amendment, on the basis of the reform before Mr. Moon, completely dismantled the South Korean prosecutor's system, prosecutors in the future only have public prosecution rights, ordinary cases' investigation rights should be more transferred to the police, and major cases' investigation rights were given to the FBI-like major crime investigation authorities.

Li and the Communist Democratic Party took this step to a large extent to try to break the "Chuck of Qingdao" while taking control of the government and Congress, and to reduce the likelihood that Li will face judicial liquidation in the future.

In the past few years, Yin Xiyue has been trying to use his old network of connections in the inspection system to launch investigations into Moon Jae-in and Lee Jae-myung.

In the case of not grasping the question of Mr. Moon, the South Korean state local prosecutor's office looked at Mr. Moon's son-in-law Xu Mou, with his no experience of aviation practice but entered Izda Airlines as an executive as an entry point, believing that Izda Airways through Xu Mou to Xu Mou to carry out the transfer of interests, the prosecution Mr. Moon was suspected of bribery.

Li also faced five cases such as real estate development misconduct and abuse of the government's public funds, until after being elected president, Li temporarily escaped from these judicial troubles.

As soon as the right-wing forces such as the South Korean National Power Party and others regain power or gain a majority of seats in Congress, Li will likely face prosecution investigations.

Of course, the passing of the ¡°Political Organization Law¡± amendment does not mean that Li in Ming can no longer be concerned, the South Korean prosecutor¡¯s system now reacts sharply on the matter, and there have been prosecutors who resigned angrily, expressing dissatisfaction with the amendment, and the South Korean right-wing forces will not sit and watch Li in Ming¡¯s actions.

South Korea¡¯s right-wing party may use slogans such as ¡°preserving the independence of the judiciary¡± to launch an offensive at the level of Congress and public opinion to stop this reform affecting both the political and judicial levels.

Finally, the amendment to the Law on Political Organization passed by the South Korean Congress appears to be a structural restructuring of the powers of the prosecutor system, but within it is a profound game of Korean political force.

The leftist forces represented by Li Zaiming tried to break the long-standing judicial pattern of greater power of prosecutors and reduce the risk of judicial interference for politicians by completely separating the power of investigation and the power of public prosecution.

However, the reform also sparked a strong rebound of the prosecutor system and right-wing forces, and the future judicial restructuring and political confrontation is still full of variations.