118 years ago today, May 14, 1907 (April 3, 1907, the lunar calendar), Qin Bangxian (Bogu), the early leader of the Communist Party of China, was born. Qin Bangxian (Bogu) Qin Bangxian (May 14, 1907-April 8, 1946) was an early leader of the Communist Party of China. Also known as Bogu. People from Wuxi, Jiangsu. In his early years, he studied at Suzhou Industrial College and actively participated in the student patriotic movement. In 1925, he entered Shanghai University to study and participated in the May 30th Movement. He joined the Communist Party of China at the end of the same year. In April 1931, he served as Secretary of the Socialist Youth League of China. Later, he served as a member of the Provisional Central Bureau of the Communist Party of China, secretary and person in charge of the Provisional Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee. Participated in the Long March in October 1934. In 1935, he was dismissed from the highest leadership position of the Communist Party of China at the Zunyi Conference. Later, he served as member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and director of the Political Department of the Red Army Field Forces. On April 8, 1946, he returned to Yan 'an from Chongqing to report on work. He was killed in a plane crash in Xing County, Shanxi Province. The statue of Qin Bangxian Zhou Enlai, Mao Zedong and Bogu (right) Extended reading: Why 24-year-old Bogu jumped from a student to General Secretary of the Communist Party of China Extended reading: Why 24-year-old Bogu jumped from a student to General Secretary of the Communist Party of China Qin Bangxian (1907~1946), also known as Bogu, was an early leader of the Communist Party of China. The reason why Mao Zedong complained about Moscow was ultimately due to the "provisional central government" established in 1931. It was this "leftist" temporary central government that seized power from him and almost destroyed the base areas and the Red Army he had personally established. This temporary central committee was mainly recommended and organized by Wang Ming, a student studying in the Soviet Union who was promoted by Mif, Deputy Minister of the Oriental Department of the Communist International, at the Fourth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee in January 1931, to become a major member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China. Its main responsible candidates are naturally students studying in the Soviet Union who have just returned to China, and are much younger than Wang Ming. This is Bogu. When Bo Gu came to power in the autumn and winter of 1931, he was only twenty-four years old. That year, Mao Zedong was already 38 years old. When Chen Duxiu first became the head of the party, he was already forty-two years old. Qu Qiubai, who had served as interim person in charge for a year, was also twenty-eight years old when he came to power. Then came Xiang Zhongfa, who was already forty-eight years old when he became General Secretary. After Bo Gu and before Mao Zedong, the last principal person in charge of the China Party was Zhang Wentian, also known as Luo Fu. He was already 35 years old when he took office. Being the highest person in charge of the Communist Party of China at the age of 24 is unprecedented. Of course, the most surprising thing is not the age, but the qualifications. According to the Party Constitution regulations or practices adopted by previous congresses, the top person in charge of the party must either be "elected" by the Central Committee from among its members, or at least the Political Bureau elected by the Central Committee should be "promoted" by each other among its members. However, when Bogu took over the Central Committee in 1931, he was not only not a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, but also not even a member of the Central Committee. As an ordinary party member, Mao Zedong later called him a "new party member" and suddenly became the highest person in charge of the party. This is unprecedented in the history of the Communist Party of China. Bogu, formerly known as Qin Bangxian, was born in 1907. He joined the Party in October 1925. At the end of 1926, he went to Sun Yat-sen University in Moscow, the Soviet Union to study. After three and a half years in the Soviet Union, he returned to China. In just over a year after returning to China, he took over the central government and became the top leader. This means that Bogu only had six years of party experience when he took over the Central Committee in 1931. His actual work training after joining the Party only lasted about two years at best. One period was that he served as a propaganda officer for about half a year before leaving and staying in the Soviet Union, and the other period was that he jumped from propaganda officer to Communist Youth League Central Committee Secretary after returning to the Party. With only two years of work experience, Bogu certainly cannot have any work performance. Since the party has a short membership and no obvious achievements, how can Bogu rise to the throne in one step? In a word, it benefited from staying in the Soviet Union. But there are many people studying in the Soviet Union, so why choose Bogu? To sum up, this is because: first, he stood well in previous "line" struggles, second, he learned dogmatism well, and third, he caught up with two rare opportunities. What does "stand in line" mean? It is which side we stand on in the so-called "line" struggle. Most of the "line" struggle was invented by Stalin. Bogu's study period in the Soviet Union coincided with the surging struggle for the "line" within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. From the struggle against the Trotsky and Zinoviev alliances in 1927 to the struggle against Bukharin's rightist opportunism in 1929, and the subsequent "party cleansing" movement, the political struggles within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union to suppress the opposition came one after another. It affected Sun Yat-sen University, from the "suppression of the faction", to the investigation of the so-called "Jiangsu and Zhejiang fellow villagers associations", to the opposition to the so-called "second line", to the struggle against the so-called "avant-garde", to the opposition to the so-called "workers 'opposition", to the "cleansing of the party", during Bogu's three years in Moscow, various "line" struggles almost never stopped. In these struggles, if you are careless, even if you say a wrong word, you may be politically "separated". When you first joined CUHK, Bo Gu was determined to learn Russian well and was from Wuxi, Jiangsu. Therefore, he was closer to fellow Jiangsu and Zhejiang fellow villagers who spoke Russian well, such as Yu Xiusong, Zhou Dawen, and Dong Yixiang. As a result, after the problem of the so-called "Jiangsu and Zhejiang Hometownsmen Association" emerged, many students were hit politically, and Bo Gu was almost implicated. Fortunately, Bogu caught up with a job as a daily interpreter for a delegation of China workers and peasants led by Xiang Zhongfa, so he escaped this disaster. This incident had to teach Bogu a deep lesson. From then on, he actively approached the school branch bureau and the Russian leaders, and unconditionally supported the "leading comrades", so that no problems occurred again. The so-called "learning dogmatism well" actually does not mean that you have read a lot of Marxism-Leninism books. Bogu went to Moscow mainly to study revolutionary theory. From the beginning of 1927 to September of that year, Bogu, relying on his intelligence and studious, mainly devoted himself to attacking Russian. Then, because he was good at Russian, he took on the job of serving as a daily interpreter for the China Workers and Peasants 'delegation from October of that year to February 1928. He worked for four to five months. Just after being freed from the delegation's translation work, he was lent to the Soviet Union's Gebou (State Security Bureau) to help interrogate the so-called "Overseas Chinese Counter-Revolutionary Case". He worked for almost a month. It was not until the spring of 1928 that he was able to return to school and began to devote himself to theoretical studies. He graduated in the summer of 1929 and transferred to the Institute of China Studies. A few months later, in early 1930, he was ready to return to China. Bo Gu actually spent more than a year studying theory. In addition, after returning to school, he also served as the actual person in charge of the branch bureau of the Communist Party of China (the person in charge in name was a Russian), entered a translation class, concurrently served as a worker's class instructor, and participated in a series of political struggles. After joining the Institute of China Studies, he also worked as a translator at Sun Yat-sen University. During Bogu's about three years in Moscow, he obviously did not spend much time systematically studying Marxism-Leninism books. However, Bo Gu was talented, had strong acceptance, understood quickly, had not much time, and had mastered a lot of theoretical knowledge in books. However, due to the short time and the Russian teaching methods, in Bogu's own words,"students are forced to chew textbooks that are completely divorced from reality under the slogan of studying theory." It is inevitable that Bogu and others will be seriously divorced from reality. They will only judge everything based on the few words from Marxism-Leninist works extracted from these textbooks and the rigid dogmas summarized by Russian writers based on political needs. They are not clear about the actual situation and needs of China. Wave after wave of political struggles and political movements have always reminded them to stand firm, and understanding and grasping the intentions of "leading comrades" have become the key to decisions. Bo Gu, who is in his early twenties, is naturally contaminated with a set of dogmatic tendencies that rely on books. How to say these are two rare opportunities? No matter how good Bogu's political performance in Moscow, he is at best a student party member. Everyone said that Wang Ming, who also started as an interpreter, was a "big hit" in Mif, the Eastern Branch of the Communist International. However, after Wang Ming returned to China in 1929, he was only given a propaganda officer of a district party committee. A year later, at most, he was only a secretary of the Propaganda Department. Therefore, it should be said that it is natural for Bogu, who had no relationship with Mif, to become a propaganda officer of the All-China Federation of China after returning to China. It was not easy to move from an ordinary propaganda officer to a leader at the central level in the Communist Party of China, which was full of talents at that time. Therefore, Bogu's rapid promotion must have its own special opportunities. The first rare opportunity that Bogu caught up with was the formation of the "Lisan Line". As soon as Bogu returned, he caught up with Li Lisan, one of the party's main leaders, who was hoof-headed and wanted to launch a nationwide general riot. He also clearly believed that the riot would have no possibility of partial victory from the beginning and would inevitably lead to a nationwide and even world-wide decisive battle between revolution and counter-revolution, which meant that both the Soviet Union and the proletarians around the world must immediately prepare for a decisive battle. This view is neither in line with Stalin's desire to build socialism in the Soviet Union, nor the Communist International's view that China should strive for the first victory of one province and several provinces. It naturally aroused the suspicion of Wang Ming, who is sensitive in political theory. Wang Ming was deeply trusted by Mif, the Eastern branch of the Communist International, and was ambitious, but he did not receive the attention of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China after returning to China. Therefore, he seized this opportunity and brought in Bogu, who also had opinions on the central government's practices at that time, to challenge Li Lisan. As a result, Wang Ming and Bo Gu were severely punished for this. But soon the Communist International intervened directly, and Mif even visited Shanghai to guide the reorganization of the central government. After a Fourth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Wang Ming, Bo Gu and other students studying in the Soviet Union became heroes of the opposition to the "Third Line" and were all promoted. Wang Ming was added to the Central Committee and was able to join the Political Bureau; Bogu became the Propaganda Minister of the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League. The second rare opportunity that Bogu caught up with was the dispatch of a large number of central leading cadres and the destruction of the Shanghai Central Committee's company. In late March 1931, Bogu took over the work of the regiment and began to attend meetings of the Politburo as a non-voting delegate due to the former Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League violating the discipline of secret work. But even so, there are still many senior cadres such as Xiang Zhongfa and Zhou Enlai in the core of the central leadership, as well as Wang Ming, Shen Zemin and Wang Jiaxiang who are one class higher than him in status and qualifications. It is still not his turn to be Bo Gu. Just at this moment, special circumstances occurred one after another. First, in accordance with the requirements of the Communist International, more than 60% of the central government's cadres were arranged to strengthen the Soviet area, and Shen Zemin and others left Shanghai one after another; second, Gu Shunzhang, a member of the Political Bureau in charge of secret work, was arrested and defected in April, and Xiang Zhongfa, the "General Secretary"(the official name should be Chairman of the Political Bureau), was arrested and defected in June. Central leaders who had made a lot of appearances in organizations at all levels in Shanghai and Jiangsu were forced to go into hiding, and the central government's work quickly paralyzed. In view of Moscow's repeated emphasis on focusing its work on rural areas, the Communist International ordered Wang Ming and Zhou Enlai, who were mainly responsible for the work of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee at that time, to transfer to the Jiangxi Soviet Area. However, in order to avoid going to the difficult Soviet area, Wang Ming tried his best to get the position of representative of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China to the Communist International in Moscow, while Zhou Enlai had to transfer to work in the Soviet area. In this way, the Shanghai Central Committee will no longer exist. Considering that there must be a temporary organization in Shanghai to be responsible for liaising with the Far East Bureau of the Communist International in Shanghai and coordinating party organizations in various places, Wang and Zhou secretly agreed with the Far East Bureau before withdrawing that a "temporary central government" should be formed mainly by students studying in Soviet Union who Gu Shunzhang and others did not recognize shortly after their return to China to maintain the work. To this end, Wang Ming elected Bogu and Zhang Wentian, who had just returned from Moscow, to form this "temporary central committee." The reason why Bogu jumped into the Central Committee without even a member of the Central Committee and took over the work of the Central Committee is that this opportunity cannot be more critical. So, why did Bogu, rather than other students studying in Soviet Union, become the head of the temporary central government? This issue is still a minor mystery in the history of the Communist Party of China. Wang Ming was the first to come out and say he wanted to "expose" this problem. That was at a Politburo meeting in September 1941. He said that the establishment of the Provisional Central Committee was agreed upon with the Far East Bureau when he and Zhou Enlai withdrew from Shanghai. Later, Bo Gu, Zhang Wentian, Zhou Enlai and many other parties confirmed that after Xiang Zhongfa was arrested in 1931, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China basically stopped its activities. Later, a joint meeting of various departments temporarily maintained them. A Shanghai Central Bureau was established to assist Zhou Enlai and Wang Ming in their work. Finally, the Far East Bureau proposed to form another Shanghai Provisional Central Committee and submit it to the Communist International for approval. Therefore, in early September, Wang Ming and Zhou Enlai proposed Lu Futan, Bo Gu, Zhang Wentian, Kang Sheng, Chen Yun, Li Zhusheng and others organized the Provisional Political Bureau of the Central Committee. After requesting approval from the Communist International, it was officially announced at the meeting to discuss the resolution of the September 18th Incident, and work began immediately. At that time, Lu Futan, who was a veteran worker, wanted to be the general secretary. After Gu Shunzhang and Xiang Zhongfa, who were born as workers, defected one after another, Zhou Enlai did not agree with this. Therefore, after obtaining the consent of the Far East Bureau, he specially came forward and explained: There is no general secretary in the Political Bureau of the Provisional Central Committee. As for how Bogu was later given overall responsibility, there has been no clear information to explain it. Only Bogu himself said that Zhou Enlai and Wang Ming once said when emphasizing the division of responsibilities under collective leadership that Bogu could do more general work should be credible. What's more, Wang Ming also trusts Bo Gu the most politically? No matter what this is about, Bogu, the youngest member of the Provisional Political Bureau of the Central Committee and not even a member of the Central Committee, has in fact become the "General Secretary". In the "Provisional Central Committee", Lu Futan is about fifteen years older than him, Liu Shaoqi and Kang Sheng are nine years older than him, Zhang Wentian is seven years older than him, and Huang Ping is six years older than him. Only Li Zhusheng and Chen Yunda are not many. Thus began the history of a twenty-four-year-old fledgling student party member commanding the whole party.118 years ago today, May 14, 1907 (April 3, 1907, the lunar calendar), Qin Bangxian (Bogu), the early leader of the Communist Party of China, was born. Qin Bangxian (Bogu) Qin Bangxian (May 14, 1907-April 8, 1946) was an early leader of the Communist Party of China. Also known as Bogu. People from Wuxi, Jiangsu. In his early years, he studied at Suzhou Industrial College and actively participated in the student patriotic movement. In 1925, he entered Shanghai University to study and participated in the May 30th Movement. He joined the Communist Party of China at the end of the same year. In April 1931, he served as Secretary of the Socialist Youth League of China. Later, he served as a member of the Provisional Central Bureau of the Communist Party of China, secretary and person in charge of the Provisional Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee. Participated in the Long March in October 1934. In 1935, he was dismissed from the highest leadership position of the Communist Party of China at the Zunyi Conference. Later, he served as member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and director of the Political Department of the Red Army Field Forces. On April 8, 1946, he returned to Yan 'an from Chongqing to report on work. He was killed in a plane crash in Xing County, Shanxi Province. The statue of Qin Bangxian Zhou Enlai, Mao Zedong and Bogu (right) Extended reading: Why 24-year-old Bogu jumped from a student to General Secretary of the Communist Party of China Extended reading: Why 24-year-old Bogu jumped from a student to General Secretary of the Communist Party of China Qin Bangxian (1907~1946), also known as Bogu, was an early leader of the Communist Party of China. The reason why Mao Zedong complained about Moscow was ultimately due to the "provisional central government" established in 1931. It was this "leftist" temporary central government that seized power from him and almost destroyed the base areas and the Red Army he had personally established. This temporary central committee was mainly recommended and organized by Wang Ming, a student studying in the Soviet Union who was promoted by Mif, Deputy Minister of the Oriental Department of the Communist International, at the Fourth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee in January 1931, to become a major member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China. Its main responsible candidates are naturally students studying in the Soviet Union who have just returned to China, and are much younger than Wang Ming. This is Bogu. When Bo Gu came to power in the autumn and winter of 1931, he was only twenty-four years old. That year, Mao Zedong was already 38 years old. When Chen Duxiu first became the head of the party, he was already forty-two years old. Qu Qiubai, who had served as interim person in charge for a year, was also twenty-eight years old when he came to power. Then came Xiang Zhongfa, who was already forty-eight years old when he became General Secretary. After Bo Gu and before Mao Zedong, the last principal person in charge of the China Party was Zhang Wentian, also known as Luo Fu. He was already 35 years old when he took office. Being the highest person in charge of the Communist Party of China at the age of 24 is unprecedented. Of course, the most surprising thing is not the age, but the qualifications. According to the Party Constitution regulations or practices adopted by previous congresses, the top person in charge of the party must either be "elected" by the Central Committee from among its members, or at least the Political Bureau elected by the Central Committee should be "promoted" by each other among its members. However, when Bogu took over the Central Committee in 1931, he was not only not a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, but also not even a member of the Central Committee. As an ordinary party member, Mao Zedong later called him a "new party member" and suddenly became the highest person in charge of the party. This is unprecedented in the history of the Communist Party of China. Bogu, formerly known as Qin Bangxian, was born in 1907. He joined the Party in October 1925. At the end of 1926, he went to Sun Yat-sen University in Moscow, the Soviet Union to study. After three and a half years in the Soviet Union, he returned to China. In just over a year after returning to China, he took over the central government and became the top leader. This means that Bogu only had six years of party experience when he took over the Central Committee in 1931. His actual work training after joining the Party only lasted about two years at best. One period was that he served as a propaganda officer for about half a year before leaving and staying in the Soviet Union, and the other period was that he jumped from propaganda officer to Communist Youth League Central Committee Secretary after returning to the Party. With only two years of work experience, Bogu certainly cannot have any work performance. Since the party has a short membership and no obvious achievements, how can Bogu rise to the throne in one step? In a word, it benefited from staying in the Soviet Union. But there are many people studying in the Soviet Union, so why choose Bogu? To sum up, this is because: first, he stood well in previous "line" struggles, second, he learned dogmatism well, and third, he caught up with two rare opportunities. What does "stand in line" mean? It is which side we stand on in the so-called "line" struggle. Most of the "line" struggle was invented by Stalin. Bogu's study period in the Soviet Union coincided with the surging struggle for the "line" within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. From the struggle against the Trotsky and Zinoviev alliances in 1927 to the struggle against Bukharin's rightist opportunism in 1929, and the subsequent "party cleansing" movement, the political struggles within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union to suppress the opposition came one after another. It affected Sun Yat-sen University, from the "suppression of the faction", to the investigation of the so-called "Jiangsu and Zhejiang fellow villagers associations", to the opposition to the so-called "second line", to the struggle against the so-called "avant-garde", to the opposition to the so-called "workers 'opposition", to the "cleansing of the party", during Bogu's three years in Moscow, various "line" struggles almost never stopped. In these struggles, if you are careless, even if you say a wrong word, you may be politically "separated". When you first joined CUHK, Bo Gu was determined to learn Russian well and was from Wuxi, Jiangsu. Therefore, he was closer to fellow Jiangsu and Zhejiang fellow villagers who spoke Russian well, such as Yu Xiusong, Zhou Dawen, and Dong Yixiang. As a result, after the problem of the so-called "Jiangsu and Zhejiang Hometownsmen Association" emerged, many students were hit politically, and Bo Gu was almost implicated. Fortunately, Bogu caught up with a job as a daily interpreter for a delegation of China workers and peasants led by Xiang Zhongfa, so he escaped this disaster. This incident had to teach Bogu a deep lesson. From then on, he actively approached the school branch bureau and the Russian leaders, and unconditionally supported the "leading comrades", so that no problems occurred again. The so-called "learning dogmatism well" actually does not mean that you have read a lot of Marxism-Leninism books. Bogu went to Moscow mainly to study revolutionary theory. From the beginning of 1927 to September of that year, Bogu, relying on his intelligence and studious, mainly devoted himself to attacking Russian. Then, because he was good at Russian, he took on the job of serving as a daily interpreter for the China Workers and Peasants 'delegation from October of that year to February 1928. He worked for four to five months. Just after being freed from the delegation's translation work, he was lent to the Soviet Union's Gebou (State Security Bureau) to help interrogate the so-called "Overseas Chinese Counter-Revolutionary Case". He worked for almost a month. It was not until the spring of 1928 that he was able to return to school and began to devote himself to theoretical studies. He graduated in the summer of 1929 and transferred to the Institute of China Studies. A few months later, in early 1930, he was ready to return to China. Bo Gu actually spent more than a year studying theory. In addition, after returning to school, he also served as the actual person in charge of the branch bureau of the Communist Party of China (the person in charge in name was a Russian), entered a translation class, concurrently served as a worker's class instructor, and participated in a series of political struggles. After joining the Institute of China Studies, he also worked as a translator at Sun Yat-sen University. During Bogu's about three years in Moscow, he obviously did not spend much time systematically studying Marxism-Leninism books. However, Bo Gu was talented, had strong acceptance, understood quickly, had not much time, and had mastered a lot of theoretical knowledge in books. However, due to the short time and the Russian teaching methods, in Bogu's own words,"students are forced to chew textbooks that are completely divorced from reality under the slogan of studying theory." It is inevitable that Bogu and others will be seriously divorced from reality. They will only judge everything based on the few words from Marxism-Leninist works extracted from these textbooks and the rigid dogmas summarized by Russian writers based on political needs. They are not clear about the actual situation and needs of China. Wave after wave of political struggles and political movements have always reminded them to stand firm, and understanding and grasping the intentions of "leading comrades" have become the key to decisions. Bo Gu, who is in his early twenties, is naturally contaminated with a set of dogmatic tendencies that rely on books. How to say these are two rare opportunities? No matter how good Bogu's political performance in Moscow, he is at best a student party member. Everyone said that Wang Ming, who also started as an interpreter, was a "big hit" in Mif, the Eastern Branch of the Communist International. However, after Wang Ming returned to China in 1929, he was only given a propaganda officer of a district party committee. A year later, at most, he was only a secretary of the Propaganda Department. Therefore, it should be said that it is natural for Bogu, who had no relationship with Mif, to become a propaganda officer of the All-China Federation of China after returning to China. It was not easy to move from an ordinary propaganda officer to a leader at the central level in the Communist Party of China, which was full of talents at that time. Therefore, Bogu's rapid promotion must have its own special opportunities. The first rare opportunity that Bogu caught up with was the formation of the "Lisan Line". As soon as Bogu returned, he caught up with Li Lisan, one of the party's main leaders, who was hoof-headed and wanted to launch a nationwide general riot. He also clearly believed that the riot would have no possibility of partial victory from the beginning and would inevitably lead to a nationwide and even world-wide decisive battle between revolution and counter-revolution, which meant that both the Soviet Union and the proletarians around the world must immediately prepare for a decisive battle. This view is neither in line with Stalin's desire to build socialism in the Soviet Union, nor the Communist International's view that China should strive for the first victory of one province and several provinces. It naturally aroused the suspicion of Wang Ming, who is sensitive in political theory. Wang Ming was deeply trusted by Mif, the Eastern branch of the Communist International, and was ambitious, but he did not receive the attention of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China after returning to China. Therefore, he seized this opportunity and brought in Bogu, who also had opinions on the central government's practices at that time, to challenge Li Lisan. As a result, Wang Ming and Bo Gu were severely punished for this. But soon the Communist International intervened directly, and Mif even visited Shanghai to guide the reorganization of the central government. After a Fourth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Wang Ming, Bo Gu and other students studying in the Soviet Union became heroes of the opposition to the "Third Line" and were all promoted. Wang Ming was added to the Central Committee and was able to join the Political Bureau; Bogu became the Propaganda Minister of the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League. The second rare opportunity that Bogu caught up with was the dispatch of a large number of central leading cadres and the destruction of the Shanghai Central Committee's company. In late March 1931, Bogu took over the work of the regiment and began to attend meetings of the Politburo as a non-voting delegate due to the former Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League violating the discipline of secret work. But even so, there are still many senior cadres such as Xiang Zhongfa and Zhou Enlai in the core of the central leadership, as well as Wang Ming, Shen Zemin and Wang Jiaxiang who are one class higher than him in status and qualifications. It is still not his turn to be Bo Gu. Just at this moment, special circumstances occurred one after another. First, in accordance with the requirements of the Communist International, more than 60% of the central government's cadres were arranged to strengthen the Soviet area, and Shen Zemin and others left Shanghai one after another; second, Gu Shunzhang, a member of the Political Bureau in charge of secret work, was arrested and defected in April, and Xiang Zhongfa, the "General Secretary"(the official name should be Chairman of the Political Bureau), was arrested and defected in June. Central leaders who had made a lot of appearances in organizations at all levels in Shanghai and Jiangsu were forced to go into hiding, and the central government's work quickly paralyzed. In view of Moscow's repeated emphasis on focusing its work on rural areas, the Communist International ordered Wang Ming and Zhou Enlai, who were mainly responsible for the work of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee at that time, to transfer to the Jiangxi Soviet Area. However, in order to avoid going to the difficult Soviet area, Wang Ming tried his best to get the position of representative of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China to the Communist International in Moscow, while Zhou Enlai had to transfer to work in the Soviet area. In this way, the Shanghai Central Committee will no longer exist. Considering that there must be a temporary organization in Shanghai to be responsible for liaising with the Far East Bureau of the Communist International in Shanghai and coordinating party organizations in various places, Wang and Zhou secretly agreed with the Far East Bureau before withdrawing that a "temporary central government" should be formed mainly by students studying in Soviet Union who Gu Shunzhang and others did not recognize shortly after their return to China to maintain the work. To this end, Wang Ming elected Bogu and Zhang Wentian, who had just returned from Moscow, to form this "temporary central committee." The reason why Bogu jumped into the Central Committee without even a member of the Central Committee and took over the work of the Central Committee is that this opportunity cannot be more critical. So, why did Bogu, rather than other students studying in Soviet Union, become the head of the temporary central government? This issue is still a minor mystery in the history of the Communist Party of China. Wang Ming was the first to come out and say he wanted to "expose" this problem. That was at a Politburo meeting in September 1941. He said that the establishment of the Provisional Central Committee was agreed upon with the Far East Bureau when he and Zhou Enlai withdrew from Shanghai. Later, Bo Gu, Zhang Wentian, Zhou Enlai and many other parties confirmed that after Xiang Zhongfa was arrested in 1931, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China basically stopped its activities. Later, a joint meeting of various departments temporarily maintained them. A Shanghai Central Bureau was established to assist Zhou Enlai and Wang Ming in their work. Finally, the Far East Bureau proposed to form another Shanghai Provisional Central Committee and submit it to the Communist International for approval. Therefore, in early September, Wang Ming and Zhou Enlai proposed Lu Futan, Bo Gu, Zhang Wentian, Kang Sheng, Chen Yun, Li Zhusheng and others organized the Provisional Political Bureau of the Central Committee. After requesting approval from the Communist International, it was officially announced at the meeting to discuss the resolution of the September 18th Incident, and work began immediately. At that time, Lu Futan, who was a veteran worker, wanted to be the general secretary. After Gu Shunzhang and Xiang Zhongfa, who were born as workers, defected one after another, Zhou Enlai did not agree with this. Therefore, after obtaining the consent of the Far East Bureau, he specially came forward and explained: There is no general secretary in the Political Bureau of the Provisional Central Committee. As for how Bogu was later given overall responsibility, there has been no clear information to explain it. Only Bogu himself said that Zhou Enlai and Wang Ming once said when emphasizing the division of responsibilities under collective leadership that Bogu could do more general work should be credible. What's more, Wang Ming also trusts Bo Gu the most politically? No matter what this is about, Bogu, the youngest member of the Provisional Political Bureau of the Central Committee and not even a member of the Central Committee, has in fact become the "General Secretary". In the "Provisional Central Committee", Lu Futan is about fifteen years older than him, Liu Shaoqi and Kang Sheng are nine years older than him, Zhang Wentian is seven years older than him, and Huang Ping is six years older than him. Only Li Zhusheng and Chen Yunda are not many. Thus began the history of a twenty-four-year-old fledgling student party member commanding the whole party.