Kadyrov was ¡°accused¡± by a retired Russian general, and what he did in Chechnya had already offended Putin¡¯s ¡°reverse scale.¡±

It is reported that during the meeting of the Russian State Duma, Shamanov, a retired general of the Russian army and a member of the ruling United Russia Party, expressed dissatisfaction with a city name change bill proposed by the Chechen Parliament.

According to this bill, Shernovotskoye in Chechnya will be renamed Shernovodsk, Sherkovskaya will be renamed Terek, and Naurskaya will be renamed Nerva.

The Chechen parliament believes that the three settlements have now been upgraded to cities, but their original names do not match the word "city", and the names of the cities have been changed in order to comply with the geographical norms in the Russian language.

Shamanov has no opinion about the name change of the city of Chernobyl, but he has a strong opinion about the name change of the other two cities.

The parliamentarian stressed that these cities developed from Cossack villages with a history of hundreds of years. The Chechen parliament now not only "expels the local Russian-speaking residents, but also erases their names" and asks the Chechen side "What the hell is doing?!"

Shamanov was concerned about the de-Russianization of a partly ethnic minority-dominated republic of Russia, fearing that Russia would once again break up, even as the Soviet Union would.

In short, during the early years of the establishment of the Soviet Union, the strengthening of non-Russian languages and cultures under the federal system, and the strengthening of the policy of localization of the national language and cultural heritage of the Republic, to a certain extent laid root for the subsequent collapse of the Soviet Union.

After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Moscow hoped to rely on the historical and cultural identity of Russian-speaking countries to maintain its position among CIS countries. However, except for a few countries such as Belarus, most CIS member states embarked on the road of de-Russification in order to complete the construction of national history.

The most radical of these is Ukraine, which not only massively changed its name with Russian colours, demolished monuments and statues, promoted the Ukrainian language, and even regarded the Ukrainian nationalist Bandera, who worked with the German fascists during the Second World War, as a hero.

Ukraine's active de-Russification and the "Nazification" that occurred during this period are the main "sources of legitimacy" for the Putin government to launch "special military operations."

In Russia, there has also been a trend of de-Russianization in the North Caucasus. However, in the previous years, this trend has been more manifested in the decrease of the local Russian-speaking population and the increase of the population of local ethnic groups such as Chechnya, which has led to the national culture becoming the local mainstream.

Take, for example, Cherkovskaya, which is to be renamed Cherek, where 13.47% of the population in 2002 was Russian, but by 2010, the Russian population share dropped to 9.18%.

The Putin administration is incapable of de-Russianization caused by this demographic change, but the Putin administration will inevitably strike the de-Russianization on the cultural and historical levels.

Previously, the Republic of Tatarstan carried out a reform to promote the rejuvenation of the Turkish language culture, preparing to abandon the Cyrillic alphabet in the script in the proverbs, but when the reform was not yet effective, the court found that this move was contrary to the constitution and ended the process of officialization of the Latin alphabet.

By the way, Chechnya's de-Russian name change will trigger Shamanov's opposition, which is also related to the two Chechen wars.

Shamanov, the highest officer and commander of the Russian Airborne Army, participated in two Chechen wars, and he represented the opinions of many of the old soldiers who participated in the Chechen war.

In the opinion of these veterans, their own bloody struggle at the time was the only way to ensure that Chechnya did not split from Russia, and now it is not possible to allow the local forces of Chechnya to conduct a hidden de-Russianization.

These actions of the Chechen parliament must have been approved by the Kadyrov family, which actually controls Chechnya, and even this matter was secretly promoted by the Kadyrov family.

The Kadyrov family is now secretly pushing for de-Russification to ensure Chechnya's independence in culture and other fields, increase the difficulty for Putin to directly parachute a confidant to control Chechnya, and ensure that Moscow must rely on Kadyrov and other local forces if it wants to take charge of Chechnya for a long time.

You know, in recent years, there have been rumors that Kadyrov is in poor health, and he is indeed stepping up his support for his youngest son Adam, which seems to be preparing for the future transfer of power.

But Moscow is reluctant to let the Kadyrov family continue to engage in father-death succession, long-term control of the Chechen military regime, only in the context of the continued conflict in Ukraine, the Kremlin is reluctant to completely collapse with Kadyrov, Kadyrov needs to strengthen his unique position in Chechnya during this window period.

Through his marriage in recent years, Kadyrov has united several political families in the Chechen region.

Returning to the question of the name change, Kadrov did this time rather hidden, the three new names selected not too strong Chechnya national colour, such as Cherek is the name of a local river, so that the name change proposal passed smoothly in the first reading of the State Duma.

But as Shamanov and others are keenly aware of the problem and throw things out, this should attract the Kremlin¡¯s attention.

Only the Putin administration is now facing a difficult choice, if the actions of Chechnya are allowed, it is likely to encourage the wind of imitation of other membership republics, it may require strong intervention, and it may exacerbate the contradiction with the Kadrov forces, and even shake the stability of the North Caucasus.

In a word, the dispute over place names is ultimately a dispute over power and identity. No matter what Moscow takes next, it will profoundly affect the future unity and diversity balance of the Russian Federation.