Who will pick up Putin's shift? This problem, like a ghost in the past decade, has appeared and disappeared in the corridors of the Kremlin.

No one dares to say, no one dares to bet in advance.But by 2025, this question that had been carefully covered up, was finally put on the table.

The Russian-Ukrainian conflict has not yet ended, and the Western sanctions round after round, and the internal situation in Russia is still changing.

At this critical moment, two familiar but different faces surfaced: one was Sulovikin, who was decisive in killing on the battlefield, and the other was Jiuming, who was low-key and pragmatic in the office.

The two, an Israeli army that deterred the West, one that won Putin¡¯s trust by loyalty, who is the ¡°heir¡± who can stabilize Russia¡¯s overall situation?

Who is the best candidate for the wartime president?

The name of Solovjkin is not unfamiliar in the western intelligence circle. This old soldier from the Volongsi Military Academy has experienced almost all the important battles of the post-Soviet era. From Chechnya to Syria, to Ukraine, behind every hard battle, his traces can be found.

Western media called him "Putin's most dangerous general", which is not groundless. Especially in 2022, after he was appointed commander-in-chief of the Ukrainian battlefield, he decisively ordered the withdrawal of troops from the right bank of Kherson. At that time, Western public opinion was in an uproar, believing that this meant the defeat of the Russian army.

But a few months later, the front stabilized, and the Ukrainian army failed to break through, but instead fell into a long-lasting battle dungeon. Now, looking back, Solovegin's choice to "retreat" instead became one of the most strategic vision decisions in the entire conflict.

And his hard-working style, not only reflected in the battlefield. According to insiders of the Russian Defense Ministry, he was one of the few generals who dared to directly reject decision-making at the conference.

He is not pleasant, not smooth, and has a kind of ¡°old-sold¡± stubbornness. But this is precisely his biggest political capital. In a country still in the shadow of war, the people, the military and even some elite classes, often have a natural confidence in this kind of ¡°able to fight, dare to take responsibility¡± people.

Especially when external pressure is increasing, Russia may be more inclined to choose a strongman who is "not afraid of head-on confrontation" to escort.

However, Solovjkin is not without shortage. He has little experience in politics, has little to do with economic and people's livelihoods affairs, let alone dealing with local governance and social issues. In peacetime, such restrictions can be fatal. But the question is, can Russia today still be considered a "peacetime"?

Can Jiuming's "invisibility" support the future of the country?

In comparison, Kimi appeared more like a "back-the-scenes steward"; he did not have such brilliant military skills as Solovegin, but made a contribution that could not be overlooked at critical moments.

During the 2014 Crimea incident, he was one of Putin's most trusted security officials. According to Russian media reports, on the eve of the Crimean referendum, Putin's journey and personal security were personally arranged by Kimming, and the entire operation did not drop water. His "hidden skills" instead became his greatest proof of strength.

More importantly, Jiuming has gradually shifted from the security system to the government system in recent years, showing good governance ability.

During his tenure as governor of Tula, he promoted the upgrading and transformation of the local military-industrial system, in the field of drone manufacturing. Following the exposure of drone shortcuts on the Russian-Ukrainian battlefield, the reforms led by Khuming proved to be "advanced."Today, as an assistant president, he is in charge of the development of the national defense industrial complex, and is seen by many as a "manager of the key resources of the country."

The advantage of¾ÃÃ÷ lies in stability. he does not lift up, does not scratch the mirror, but everything is done without dropling. he and Putin have a deep private relationship, and is considered to be "the circle of people in the circle."

In Russian politics, circles mean trust, but also the possibility of power transfer.Many analysts believe that if Putin wants to arrange a ¡°seamless transfer¡±, Kim is undoubtedly the ideal candidate.

But the problem is also clear: too low. He is far less well-known in the public than Solovegin, lack of national appeal. and that he has never independently led any institutions at the national level, whether he has the ability to control the global situation, remains a question.

More realistically, in a country with a strong political tradition, it is unknown whether the image of this "technical bureaucrat + loyal deputy" can win the support of the military and security systems.

Power Game: Not a Duo, but a Group Game

While the two names are frequently cited, Putin himself remained silent.After the general election in 2024, he was re-elected as president with more than 80% of the votes, but it is widely believed that this is no longer a signal of his "eternal re-election", but rather a struggle for time and space for power transfer.

According to sources close to the Kremlin, the frequency of Putin's private talks about "institutional security" and "national stability" has increased significantly, which means that he is already preparing for the "post-Putin era".

Interestingly, the contrast between the two candidates is not only a style dispute, but also a direction dispute.Sulovikin represents a ¡°war-time governance model¡± with the military as the core and the hard as the means; while Kim is more inclined to the ¡°administrative continuation¡± of reform within the system, technological upgrading and elite collaboration.

Two paths correspond to Russia¡¯s two future: one is to continue to harden and confront the end; the other is to gradually adjust and seek change.

But the question remains: which one does Russia need now?

Judging from the current situation, Russia will still face the triple attack of Western sanctions, the Ukrainian battlefield, and socio-economic pressure in the short term. In this context, people's demand for "security" far exceeds their desire for "freedom".

The opinions of the military and security agencies will also play a decisive role in the future power transition. This makes Sulovikin win in playing the "security card" steadily despite his lack of political experience. Although Jiuming has government experience and technical foundation, it will take time to verify whether he can withstand the pressure in the face of complicated big power games and domestic political wrestling.

In addition, the age factor has also become a variable in the current discussion.Guymin is 52, Solovegin is 57, which seems to be similar, but when compared to Putin's age of 71, Guymin's "young" is not obvious.

In other words, if the successor is only a teenager younger than Putin, then the replacement may be simply ¡°no change of mind¡± and a continuation of the existing system, rather than a genuine intergenerational change. Such arrangement is most acceptable for the Russian elite seeking stability; but for the young group expecting reform, it may mean ¡°hope falls.¡±

Of course, the transition of power in Russia has never been just a one-man decision. Although Putin is the core, the National Security Council, the Federal Security Service, the military-industrial complex, and the local oligarchy network behind it, each group has its own interests.

They will not allow a new leader to rise to power who is unable to control the world and balance interests.This also means that the emergence of a successor is likely to ultimately be a ¡°consensus after consultation¡± rather than the product of a single will.

Nor should the outside world ignore the possibility of Medvedev's "resurrection".The former president, now vice-chairman of the National Security Council, although few public appearances, his harsh speeches frequently came to the head during the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.

Many analysts believe that he is still "active" in the core circle of power, and in the future it may be possible to reappear as a "temporary transitory" and act as a middle figure in the situation.

conclusion

Back to the original question: Has the successor been finalized? The answer is still vague.

But it can be assured that this discussion of ¡°who will succeed¡± is no longer a paper discussion of the military, but a genuine entrance into the deep waters of the Russian power structure.

Whether in the end it was Solovegin, Jumanji, or anyone else, this match is not only a change of power, but also a choice of Russia on the future direction.