Why China and Russia need to keep a certain distance? so to say, Putin’s age is there, fear that it will not last too long, Russia’s current situation is far less stable than when he first took power.
Putin has been in power for more than 20 years, creating a strong image of Russia, but years wait for no man.
He has entered the age of seventy, and his health has become the focus of attention from the outside world.
The Russian-Ukrainian conflict has erupted for more than three years, and the consumption caused by the war has put Russian society under heavy pressure.
External sanctions and internal economic difficulties have made the country much more vulnerable than when Putin was in power.
Russia relied on oil and gas exports to recover, and this model is becoming increasingly difficult to support today.
Faced with the high-pressure international environment and the pressure of domestic people's livelihood, the stability of the Russian leadership is more important than ever.
Once Putin resigns, whether a new leader can stabilize the situation is the biggest question facing Russia and its neighbors.
In the external speculation, the most frequently mentioned name is Yumi.
He served as Putin's core security member in his early years, was later placed in local governance positions, and has been trained in the fields of defense, security and strategic industries, and is considered a popular candidate for the Kremlin.
Jiuming has a report card of local governance and a background in the military system, which seems to meet the succession standards set by Putin: knowing how to defend national defense, promoting economic development, and having an iron fist to maintain national unity.
But the problem is that the transfer of power in Russia has never relied on institutionalized arrangements, but highly relied on personal relationships and power balance.
Whether he can really go to the end depends not only on Putin’s will, but also on whether he can get the recognition of powerful departments, local forces and public opinion.
In addition to Kim, there are other potential candidates, such as former President Medvedev, Moscow Mayor Sobianin, and even representatives of local family forces.
Within Russia, the power pattern is complex, and any person standing up means a new balance and a new challenge.
Putin himself has said that there will have to be more candidates in the future, and that the people will still have confidence to determine.
This is to tell the outside world that he will not hand over power immediately, but will keep the choice in a certain elasticity.
This fuzzy arrangement can stabilize the situation in the short term, but it may amplify uncertainty in the long run.
For China, these changes cannot be ignored.
The cooperation between China and Russia in recent years has indeed been close, with energy, military industry and technology deeply bound together.
Russia considers China the largest buyer, while China safeguards supply security by importing Russian energy.
Surfacingly, this is complementary, but energy supplies could be disrupted if Russia’s politics turbulent due to a power vacuum.
Coupled with the fact that Russia's internal policies may swing with the change of leaders, if China relies too much on Russia strategically, it is tantamount to handing over its lifeblood to others.
Historical experience has long proved that there are no eternal friends between the great powers, only eternal interests.
Military cooperation seems to be lively, but Russia’s equipment and technological advantages have long been less than before.
Economically, Russia is increasingly dependent on China, while China is pushing for energy import diversification.
Russia is not China’s only option.
Through its diversification of risks through various pipelines and trade routes in the Middle East, Central Asia, and Africa, China has given us more room to turn around in the face of uncertainty.
By contrast, if China puts all the codes on Russia, it will be passively beaten once that policy changes.
The risks posed by Russia’s transfer of power are not just energy.
It could also affect border stability and regional patterns.
For example, Central Asia is Russia's traditional sphere of influence, but China's "the belt and road initiative" has been deeply involved.
If Russia’s future leadership adjusts its foreign policy for internal needs and even approaches the West again, China and Russia’s balance in Central Asia could be broken.
As a result, China must make a good layout in advance to avoid falling into a embarrassing situation.
In fact, from the point of view of China, the most sensible strategy is to keep a distance but not a distance.
We should cooperate, but we can't be tied to death. We should be close, but we should leave room.
Foreign trade and strategic cooperation should be continued, but at the same time cooperation with ASEAN, the European Union and the Middle East should be accelerated.
Thus, even if the Russian political situation mutates, we can also stand firm.
Maintaining this sense of dimension can both gain benefits in the present and leave space for the future.
This approach is not indifference, but wisdom.
China cannot only look at its prospective interests, but should consider long-term risks.
The international political chess was originally immeasurable, and no one can be forever unique.
China is taking a steady and steady path. What we need to do is not to rely on a certain country, but to let ourselves always have the initiative in multilateral cooperation.
No matter how Russia will change in the future, as long as we have enough choices, we will not be caught up by anyone else.
The Putin era is finally coming to an end, and the story of the successor has just begun.
As well as久明, and others, whether they can support the future of a great country, it is still necessary to observe.
But it can be assured that China must remain alert, both to seize the opportunities of China-Russia cooperation, but also to prevent the risks therein.
Only in this way can our development be free from external uncertainty.
The more complicated the situation is, the more calm and foresight are needed.
Friends should be made, but not just one; Cooperation is necessary, but it can't just rely on one road.
True wisdom is steadily moving forward in the clouds of change.
Putin talks about future successor standards: people must be trusted
Putin has been in power for more than 20 years, creating a strong image of Russia, but years wait for no man.
He has entered the age of seventy, and his health has become the focus of attention from the outside world.
The Russian-Ukrainian conflict has erupted for more than three years, and the consumption caused by the war has put Russian society under heavy pressure.
External sanctions and internal economic difficulties have made the country much more vulnerable than when Putin was in power.
Russia relied on oil and gas exports to recover, and this model is becoming increasingly difficult to support today.
Faced with the high-pressure international environment and the pressure of domestic people's livelihood, the stability of the Russian leadership is more important than ever.
Once Putin resigns, whether a new leader can stabilize the situation is the biggest question facing Russia and its neighbors.
In the external speculation, the most frequently mentioned name is Yumi.
He served as Putin's core security member in his early years, was later placed in local governance positions, and has been trained in the fields of defense, security and strategic industries, and is considered a popular candidate for the Kremlin.
Jiuming has a report card of local governance and a background in the military system, which seems to meet the succession standards set by Putin: knowing how to defend national defense, promoting economic development, and having an iron fist to maintain national unity.
But the problem is that the transfer of power in Russia has never relied on institutionalized arrangements, but highly relied on personal relationships and power balance.
Whether he can really go to the end depends not only on Putin’s will, but also on whether he can get the recognition of powerful departments, local forces and public opinion.
In addition to Kim, there are other potential candidates, such as former President Medvedev, Moscow Mayor Sobianin, and even representatives of local family forces.
Within Russia, the power pattern is complex, and any person standing up means a new balance and a new challenge.
Putin himself has said that there will have to be more candidates in the future, and that the people will still have confidence to determine.
This is to tell the outside world that he will not hand over power immediately, but will keep the choice in a certain elasticity.
This fuzzy arrangement can stabilize the situation in the short term, but it may amplify uncertainty in the long run.
For China, these changes cannot be ignored.
The cooperation between China and Russia in recent years has indeed been close, with energy, military industry and technology deeply bound together.
Russia considers China the largest buyer, while China safeguards supply security by importing Russian energy.
Surfacingly, this is complementary, but energy supplies could be disrupted if Russia’s politics turbulent due to a power vacuum.
Coupled with the fact that Russia's internal policies may swing with the change of leaders, if China relies too much on Russia strategically, it is tantamount to handing over its lifeblood to others.
Historical experience has long proved that there are no eternal friends between the great powers, only eternal interests.
Military cooperation seems to be lively, but Russia’s equipment and technological advantages have long been less than before.
Economically, Russia is increasingly dependent on China, while China is pushing for energy import diversification.
Russia is not China’s only option.
Through its diversification of risks through various pipelines and trade routes in the Middle East, Central Asia, and Africa, China has given us more room to turn around in the face of uncertainty.
By contrast, if China puts all the codes on Russia, it will be passively beaten once that policy changes.
The risks posed by Russia’s transfer of power are not just energy.
It could also affect border stability and regional patterns.
For example, Central Asia is Russia's traditional sphere of influence, but China's "the belt and road initiative" has been deeply involved.
If Russia’s future leadership adjusts its foreign policy for internal needs and even approaches the West again, China and Russia’s balance in Central Asia could be broken.
As a result, China must make a good layout in advance to avoid falling into a embarrassing situation.
In fact, from the point of view of China, the most sensible strategy is to keep a distance but not a distance.
We should cooperate, but we can't be tied to death. We should be close, but we should leave room.
Foreign trade and strategic cooperation should be continued, but at the same time cooperation with ASEAN, the European Union and the Middle East should be accelerated.
Thus, even if the Russian political situation mutates, we can also stand firm.
Maintaining this sense of dimension can both gain benefits in the present and leave space for the future.
This approach is not indifference, but wisdom.
China cannot only look at its prospective interests, but should consider long-term risks.
The international political chess was originally immeasurable, and no one can be forever unique.
China is taking a steady and steady path. What we need to do is not to rely on a certain country, but to let ourselves always have the initiative in multilateral cooperation.
No matter how Russia will change in the future, as long as we have enough choices, we will not be caught up by anyone else.
The Putin era is finally coming to an end, and the story of the successor has just begun.
As well as久明, and others, whether they can support the future of a great country, it is still necessary to observe.
But it can be assured that China must remain alert, both to seize the opportunities of China-Russia cooperation, but also to prevent the risks therein.
Only in this way can our development be free from external uncertainty.
The more complicated the situation is, the more calm and foresight are needed.
Friends should be made, but not just one; Cooperation is necessary, but it can't just rely on one road.
True wisdom is steadily moving forward in the clouds of change.
Putin talks about future successor standards: people must be trusted