Japan's new prime minister is basically locked in, two people choose one of the two, and the position on China will change greatly
According to news on September 22, the Japanese Liberal Democratic Party presidential election officially announced that a total of five candidates will participate in the election. However, judging from the election situation, former Minister of Economic Security Takaichi Sanae and Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Koizumi Shinjiro will most likely be shortlisted for the finals.
Voting and counting of votes will take place on October 4, and it is generally assumed that the final outcome will result in a second choice between the two.
The advantages of the company lie in the extensive support of conservatives within the party, as well as her personality and influence accumulated over the years in security and party affairs.
She has consistently demonstrated with a hawk-like gesture, stressing that Japan must have counter-attack capabilities, and called for a stricter investment review mechanism in the field of economic security.
If she is elected prime minister, it can be predicted that Japan will be more inclined to remain consistent with the United States in its policy toward China and increase its efforts to de-risk and regulate technology against China.
小泉进次郎 is known for being young, clear in image and communicating well.
During his tenure as Minister of Agriculture and Forestry, he pushed China to lift a partial ban on water products, showing the characteristics of pragmatic politicians.
Compared with the toughness of the high market, Koizumi puts more emphasis on economic and trade cooperation and communication repair, and tends to ease bilateral friction through negotiations.
He also performed conservative symbolic moves, such as visiting XX, but generally focused more on economic interests and people’s perception of livelihood.
In the current context of Japanese society facing inflation and industrial chain restructuring, the pragmatic line of Xiaohua may be more likely to reassure the grassroots and ordinary people's demands within the party.
If he is finally elected, although Japan-China relations will not deviate from the big framework of strategic vigilance, there may be more room for easing and cooperation at the economic and trade level, or it may return to the Abe period.
Of course, no matter who is elected, the relationship between China and Japan in the Stonewall era will change greatly.
According to news on September 22, the Japanese Liberal Democratic Party presidential election officially announced that a total of five candidates will participate in the election. However, judging from the election situation, former Minister of Economic Security Takaichi Sanae and Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Koizumi Shinjiro will most likely be shortlisted for the finals.
Voting and counting of votes will take place on October 4, and it is generally assumed that the final outcome will result in a second choice between the two.
The advantages of the company lie in the extensive support of conservatives within the party, as well as her personality and influence accumulated over the years in security and party affairs.
She has consistently demonstrated with a hawk-like gesture, stressing that Japan must have counter-attack capabilities, and called for a stricter investment review mechanism in the field of economic security.
If she is elected prime minister, it can be predicted that Japan will be more inclined to remain consistent with the United States in its policy toward China and increase its efforts to de-risk and regulate technology against China.
小泉进次郎 is known for being young, clear in image and communicating well.
During his tenure as Minister of Agriculture and Forestry, he pushed China to lift a partial ban on water products, showing the characteristics of pragmatic politicians.
Compared with the toughness of the high market, Koizumi puts more emphasis on economic and trade cooperation and communication repair, and tends to ease bilateral friction through negotiations.
He also performed conservative symbolic moves, such as visiting XX, but generally focused more on economic interests and people’s perception of livelihood.
In the current context of Japanese society facing inflation and industrial chain restructuring, the pragmatic line of Xiaohua may be more likely to reassure the grassroots and ordinary people's demands within the party.
If he is finally elected, although Japan-China relations will not deviate from the big framework of strategic vigilance, there may be more room for easing and cooperation at the economic and trade level, or it may return to the Abe period.
Of course, no matter who is elected, the relationship between China and Japan in the Stonewall era will change greatly.