On this day, 38 years ago, June 12, 1987 (May 17, 1987 in the lunar calendar), Reagan delivered a speech on the Berlin Wall to "tear down this wall." Photo: President Reagan's Berlin Wall Speech June 12, 1987 Reagan's Berlin Wall Speech: Tearing down this wall (full text in Chinese) Thank you very much. Chancellor Kohl, Mayor of Dipgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty-four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin and spoke to the people of this city and around the world from City Hall. After that, two presidents visited Berlin. Today, I myself have come to your city for the second time. We, the presidents of the United States, have come to Berlin because we have a responsibility to speak for freedom here. But I must also admit that there are other reasons why we are here: the city has a long history, 500 years older than my country; the beauty and beauty of Grunewald and Tiergarten; and the main reason is that I was moved by your courage and determination. Composer Paul Link may resonate with us presidents of the United States. You see, like many presidents before me, I am here today because no matter where I go, no matter what I do: Ichhabnocheinen Kofferin Berlin. Our gathering today is broadcasting to all of Western Europe and North America. I know that in the east, people are also watching and listening. To those who listen in Eastern Europe, I have a word to say: Although I am not standing with you, I am speaking to you, just as I am speaking to the people in front of me. Like you and your compatriots in the West, I have a firm and unchangeable belief: Esgibtnurein Berlin. Behind me stands a wall that surrounds the city's free land and itself is just part of the vast barrier that divides the entire European continent. From the Baltic Sea to the south, this barrier cuts across Germany, covered with barbed wire and poured concrete, patrolled by military dogs, and densely covered with guard towers. Farther south, there may be no visible walls, but there are still armed guards and checkpoints-still restricting people's freedom of movement and still imposing the will of a totalitarian state on every ordinary man and woman. However, here, in Berlin, the wall highlights this most clearly. It is here that news pictures and television screens bear on the hearts of people around the world the scar that spans your cities and divides entire continents. Everyone standing in front of the Brandenburg Gate was a German, separated from his own flesh and blood. Everyone is a Berliner, forced to look down on a scar. President von Weizsacker once said: "As long as the Brandenburg Gate remains closed, the German problem will exist." Today I say this: As long as this door remains closed, as long as the scars caused by this wall are allowed to exist, then it will not just be Germany's problem, but also the freedom of mankind as a whole. I am not here to mourn, because I have found hope in Berlin that even in the shadow of this wall, there is still news of victory. In the spring of 1945, when the people of Berlin stepped out of their hideout, they found a mess. Thousands of miles away, the American people reached out to help. In 1947, as you know, U.S. Secretary of State George Marshall announced what would later be called the Marshall Plan. Forty years ago today, he said: "Our policies are not aimed at any country or any doctrine. We are aimed at hunger, poverty, despair and chaos." Some time ago, at the German Reichstag, I visited an exhibition commemorating the 40th anniversary of the Marshall Plan. On a building that had been melted down and was being rebuilt, I saw a slogan that deeply moved me. I know that Berliners of my generation still remember that in West Berlin, such slogans were once everywhere. The slogan read: "To strengthen the free world, the Marshall Plan is here to lend a helping hand." A strong, free Western world, this dream has become a reality. Japan rose from ruins to become an economic giant. Italy, France, Belgium, and almost every Western European country witnessed political and economic rejuvenation, and the European Community was born. In West Germany, in Berlin, an economic miracle occurred, the Wirtschaftswunder. Leaders such as Adenauer, Erhard, and Ruitt are well aware of the importance of freedom in practice. The truth will emerge only when journalists are given freedom of speech, and only when farmers and businessmen can enjoy economic freedom. Prosperity will come. German leaders cut tariffs, expanded free trade, and lowered tax rates. In the ten years from 1950 to 1960 alone, living standards in West Germany and Berlin doubled. In West Berlin, what was a wasteland four decades ago is now Germany's largest industrial area, full of busy office areas, excellent houses and apartments, lively streets, and sprawling park lawns. In what once seemed to be a cultural desert, there are now two of the best universities, orchestras and an opera house, and countless theaters and museums. In the past it was scarce, now it is extremely abundant-food, clothing, cars--and everything is available on Kudam Street. From the ruins, from destruction, you Berliners have rebuilt in freedom one of the greatest cities on earth. The Soviets may have other plans, but my friends, there are some things that the Soviets will never count on: the hearts of Berliners, the humor of Berliners, and the bristles of Berliners (Schnauze). In the 1950s, Khrushchev predicted: "We will bury you." But in today's West, what we see is unprecedented prosperity and tranquility. In the communist world, we have seen failure, technological backwardness, healthy regression, and extreme scarcity of even the most basic thing-food! Even today, the Soviets still cannot feed themselves. Today, forty years later, before the entire world, there stands a great and inevitable conclusion: freedom leads to prosperity, and freedom replaces the ancient hatred between nations with comity and tolerance. Freedom is the winner! Now the Soviets themselves may, to some extent, understand the importance of freedom. We often hear news from Moscow that a new policy of reform and opening up has been introduced, some political prisoners have been released, some foreign news broadcasts are no longer blocked, and some economic enterprises have been allowed to have more autonomy. Were these actions the beginning of a huge transformation in the Soviet Union? Or were they just making a gesture to raise false hopes in the West, or were they just trying to tinker with it without changing the Soviet system? We welcome change and openness because we believe that freedom and security go hand in hand, and that progress in human freedom will only strengthen world peace. Here is one thing the Soviets could do without being misunderstood, and it would be a milestone in promoting the cause of freedom and peace for mankind. General Secretary Gorbachev, if you are really looking for peace, if you are really looking for prosperity in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you are really looking for liberalization, then come to this door. Mr. Gorbachev, open this door! Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall! I understand that the fear of war, the pain of separation afflicts this continent, and I assure you that my country will help overcome these obstacles. To be safe, we in the free world must resist Soviet expansion, so we must maintain unbreakable defenses. But we are also seeking peace, so we must also make efforts to reduce armaments on both sides. Starting a decade ago, the Soviets posed a new and deadly threat to the Western Alliance, deploying hundreds of newer and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles, enough to destroy every city in Europe. The Western Alliance responded with corresponding arrangements. Unless the Soviets agreed to negotiate to find a better solution, that is, both sides would jointly eliminate such weapons, the situation would have to be deadlocked. For so many days, the Soviets had refused to engage in honest negotiations. On our side, there were some difficult times as the alliance prepared to deploy accordingly. For example, when I visited the city in 1982, many people stood up to protest, for example, when the Soviets left the negotiating table later. But despite these difficulties, our alliance held on, and I invited those who protested then, and I invited those who protested today, to take note of the fact that because of our toughness, the Soviets finally returned to the negotiating table. Because of our toughness, what we can do today is not just the desire to limit the growth of armaments, but also the possibility of completely abolishing an entire class of nuclear weapons from the earth. As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to discuss the status of progress on this proposal. During the Geneva talks, we also proposed major reductions in strategic offensive weapons. The Western Alliance has put forward many far-reaching proposals to reduce the risk of conventional war and completely ban chemical weapons. As we reduce these armaments, I also assure you that we will maintain the ability to deter Soviet aggression at any level. We are working with many allies to study the "Strategic Defense Concept" plan. We are not basing deterrence on threats of retaliation, but focusing on real defense. In short, this defense system will not target civilians, but protect them. In this way, security in Europe and the world will be enhanced. But we must keep in mind a crucial fact: East and West believe in each other because we are armed, we are armed, and because we do not trust each other. What makes East and West differ is not the weapon itself, but the different understandings of freedom. When President Kennedy addressed City Hall 24 years ago, freedom was under siege and Berlin was under siege. But today, despite all the enemy's pressure on the city, Berlin still stands safely in the light of freedom, and freedom itself is changing the world. In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been reborn. Across the Pacific, free markets are creating one miracle of economic growth after another. In industrialized countries, a technological revolution is taking place, marked by the rapid development of computers and telecommunications. In Europe, only one country and the satellite states it controlled refused to join the liberal camp, but in an era of exponential economic growth, in an era of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faced a choice: it had to make fundamental changes, otherwise it would become obsolete. Therefore, today represents hope. We in the West are ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, break down the barriers that separate people, and build a safe and free world. I think there is no place more suitable as a starting point than Berlin, a place that connects people from the East and the West. Free people of Berlin, the United States will abide by and implement the 1971 Four Power Agreement today as it has in the past. Let us take this opportunity to mark the city's 750th anniversary to welcome a new era and build a more fulfilling and prosperous Berlin. Let us maintain and develop the links between the Federal Republic of Germany and West Berlin, as allowed by the 1971 agreement. And I will invite Mr. Gorbachev: Let's do more work together for the people of East and West Berlin to bring them closer together so that all the residents of Berlin can enjoy the joy of living in one of the world's greatest cities. To further open Berlin to all of Europe, the East and the West, we need to expand important air routes into the city and make commercial air services to Berlin more convenient, comfortable and economical. We look forward to the day when West Berlin can one of the major aviation hubs across Central Europe. Together with our French and British counterparts, the United States is preparing to hold various international conferences in Berlin. For the city of Berlin, it would be more appropriate to convene a United Nations conference or an international conference on issues such as human rights and arms control that require international cooperation. There is no better way to bring hope to the future than to light up the hearts of young people. We will be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges (in East and West Berlin), various cultural events, and other events for East Berlin youth. Our French and British friends, I am sure, will do the same. I also hope that the East Berlin authorities will sponsor visits by West Berlin youth. The last suggestion I have in mind is that sport is a source of joy and nobility. You may notice that South Korea has allowed some events of the 1988 Summer Olympics to be held in the north. Various international sports competitions can also be held in both parts of the city. If one year in the future, the Olympic Games can be held in Berlin-East Berlin and West Berlin-what better way to show the world the openness of Berlin as a city? In these 40 years, as I said, you Berliners have built a great city. You did it despite many threats-checkpoints and blockades imposed by the Soviet Union. Despite the challenges that this wall symbolizes, the city thrives. What kept you going? Of course there are many reasons, such as your perseverance, your courage to resist. But I believe that some of the reasons are deeper and involve Berlin's overall perception and lifestyle, not just sentiments. No one can live in Berlin for long and have full illusions. They see the difficulties of life in Berlin, but choose to accept them. Despite being surrounded by a totalitarian system that imprisons human vitality and hope, they continue to build this beautiful, proud city. It was a powerful voice that said "yes" to the city, to the future, and to freedom. In short, I would call this kind of thing "love"-deep and lasting love. Perhaps this is the root cause of the problem, and this is the most fundamental difference between East and West. Totalitarianism is backward in world production because it violates this spirit and hinders human impulse to create, enjoy, and feel. The totalitarian world even finds the symbols of love and religion an insult. A few years ago, before East Germany began rebuilding its own church, they built a secular building: the Alexanderplatz TV Tower. Since then, East German authorities have been working to correct what they see as a major flaw in the tower, dumping various paints and chemicals on the glass balls on top of it. However, only to this day, whenever the sun shines on these glasses, the sun still shines a cross. Here, in Berlin, the symbol of love, the symbol of worship, will not be suppressed. When I looked out from the Reichstag, the embodiment of German unity, I saw a string of spray paint on the Berlin wall, which might have been written by a young Berliner,"This wall will eventually fall, and dreams will eventually come true." "Yes, throughout Europe, this wall will eventually fall, because it cannot withstand the test of conscience, it cannot withstand the questioning of truth, and it cannot withstand the expectation of freedom! I would like to say one more word before concluding. I already know-and I was asked-that there were some demonstrations when I came here. I want to say one thing to those protesters, I don't know if they thought that if they did have the kind of government they want to have, no one would be able to do what they are doing now. Thank you all and God bless you. Follow-up results: 29 months later, in response to fierce protests from East Germany, Gorbachev allowed Berlin citizens to tear down the wall, and the Soviet Union disintegrated shortly after; tearing down the wall became an important factor in the drastic changes in Eastern Europe. In September 1990, Ronald Reagan, who had stepped down as President of the United States, went to Berlin again, personally raised a hammer, and symbolically knocked on the ruins of the Berlin Wall. Helmut Kohl, the first president after the reunification of Germany, said he would never forget Reagan standing by his side and calling on Gorbachev to tear down the Berlin Wall. Cole said: "He is a blessing to the world, especially to Europe. Although there are some opinions that Reagan's words did not help the fall of the Berlin Wall, the speech has become an important moment during the Cold War.On this day, 38 years ago, June 12, 1987 (May 17, 1987 in the lunar calendar), Reagan delivered a speech on the Berlin Wall to "tear down this wall." Photo: President Reagan's Berlin Wall Speech June 12, 1987 Reagan's Berlin Wall Speech: Tearing down this wall (full text in Chinese) Thank you very much. Chancellor Kohl, Mayor of Dipgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty-four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin and spoke to the people of this city and around the world from City Hall. After that, two presidents visited Berlin. Today, I myself have come to your city for the second time. We, the presidents of the United States, have come to Berlin because we have a responsibility to speak for freedom here. But I must also admit that there are other reasons why we are here: the city has a long history, 500 years older than my country; the beauty and beauty of Grunewald and Tiergarten; and the main reason is that I was moved by your courage and determination. Composer Paul Link may resonate with us presidents of the United States. You see, like many presidents before me, I am here today because no matter where I go, no matter what I do: Ichhabnocheinen Kofferin Berlin. Our gathering today is broadcasting to all of Western Europe and North America. I know that in the east, people are also watching and listening. To those who listen in Eastern Europe, I have a word to say: Although I am not standing with you, I am speaking to you, just as I am speaking to the people in front of me. Like you and your compatriots in the West, I have a firm and unchangeable belief: Esgibtnurein Berlin. Behind me stands a wall that surrounds the city's free land and itself is just part of the vast barrier that divides the entire European continent. From the Baltic Sea to the south, this barrier cuts across Germany, covered with barbed wire and poured concrete, patrolled by military dogs, and densely covered with guard towers. Farther south, there may be no visible walls, but there are still armed guards and checkpoints-still restricting people's freedom of movement and still imposing the will of a totalitarian state on every ordinary man and woman. However, here, in Berlin, the wall highlights this most clearly. It is here that news pictures and television screens bear on the hearts of people around the world the scar that spans your cities and divides entire continents. Everyone standing in front of the Brandenburg Gate was a German, separated from his own flesh and blood. Everyone is a Berliner, forced to look down on a scar. President von Weizsacker once said: "As long as the Brandenburg Gate remains closed, the German problem will exist." Today I say this: As long as this door remains closed, as long as the scars caused by this wall are allowed to exist, then it will not just be Germany's problem, but also the freedom of mankind as a whole. I am not here to mourn, because I have found hope in Berlin that even in the shadow of this wall, there is still news of victory. In the spring of 1945, when the people of Berlin stepped out of their hideout, they found a mess. Thousands of miles away, the American people reached out to help. In 1947, as you know, U.S. Secretary of State George Marshall announced what would later be called the Marshall Plan. Forty years ago today, he said: "Our policies are not aimed at any country or any doctrine. We are aimed at hunger, poverty, despair and chaos." Some time ago, at the German Reichstag, I visited an exhibition commemorating the 40th anniversary of the Marshall Plan. On a building that had been melted down and was being rebuilt, I saw a slogan that deeply moved me. I know that Berliners of my generation still remember that in West Berlin, such slogans were once everywhere. The slogan read: "To strengthen the free world, the Marshall Plan is here to lend a helping hand." A strong, free Western world, this dream has become a reality. Japan rose from ruins to become an economic giant. Italy, France, Belgium, and almost every Western European country witnessed political and economic rejuvenation, and the European Community was born. In West Germany, in Berlin, an economic miracle occurred, the Wirtschaftswunder. Leaders such as Adenauer, Erhard, and Ruitt are well aware of the importance of freedom in practice. The truth will emerge only when journalists are given freedom of speech, and only when farmers and businessmen can enjoy economic freedom. Prosperity will come. German leaders cut tariffs, expanded free trade, and lowered tax rates. In the ten years from 1950 to 1960 alone, living standards in West Germany and Berlin doubled. In West Berlin, what was a wasteland four decades ago is now Germany's largest industrial area, full of busy office areas, excellent houses and apartments, lively streets, and sprawling park lawns. In what once seemed to be a cultural desert, there are now two of the best universities, orchestras and an opera house, and countless theaters and museums. In the past it was scarce, now it is extremely abundant-food, clothing, cars--and everything is available on Kudam Street. From the ruins, from destruction, you Berliners have rebuilt in freedom one of the greatest cities on earth. The Soviets may have other plans, but my friends, there are some things that the Soviets will never count on: the hearts of Berliners, the humor of Berliners, and the bristles of Berliners (Schnauze). In the 1950s, Khrushchev predicted: "We will bury you." But in today's West, what we see is unprecedented prosperity and tranquility. In the communist world, we have seen failure, technological backwardness, healthy regression, and extreme scarcity of even the most basic thing-food! Even today, the Soviets still cannot feed themselves. Today, forty years later, before the entire world, there stands a great and inevitable conclusion: freedom leads to prosperity, and freedom replaces the ancient hatred between nations with comity and tolerance. Freedom is the winner! Now the Soviets themselves may, to some extent, understand the importance of freedom. We often hear news from Moscow that a new policy of reform and opening up has been introduced, some political prisoners have been released, some foreign news broadcasts are no longer blocked, and some economic enterprises have been allowed to have more autonomy. Were these actions the beginning of a huge transformation in the Soviet Union? Or were they just making a gesture to raise false hopes in the West, or were they just trying to tinker with it without changing the Soviet system? We welcome change and openness because we believe that freedom and security go hand in hand, and that progress in human freedom will only strengthen world peace. Here is one thing the Soviets could do without being misunderstood, and it would be a milestone in promoting the cause of freedom and peace for mankind. General Secretary Gorbachev, if you are really looking for peace, if you are really looking for prosperity in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you are really looking for liberalization, then come to this door. Mr. Gorbachev, open this door! Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall! I understand that the fear of war, the pain of separation afflicts this continent, and I assure you that my country will help overcome these obstacles. To be safe, we in the free world must resist Soviet expansion, so we must maintain unbreakable defenses. But we are also seeking peace, so we must also make efforts to reduce armaments on both sides. Starting a decade ago, the Soviets posed a new and deadly threat to the Western Alliance, deploying hundreds of newer and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles, enough to destroy every city in Europe. The Western Alliance responded with corresponding arrangements. Unless the Soviets agreed to negotiate to find a better solution, that is, both sides would jointly eliminate such weapons, the situation would have to be deadlocked. For so many days, the Soviets had refused to engage in honest negotiations. On our side, there were some difficult times as the alliance prepared to deploy accordingly. For example, when I visited the city in 1982, many people stood up to protest, for example, when the Soviets left the negotiating table later. But despite these difficulties, our alliance held on, and I invited those who protested then, and I invited those who protested today, to take note of the fact that because of our toughness, the Soviets finally returned to the negotiating table. Because of our toughness, what we can do today is not just the desire to limit the growth of armaments, but also the possibility of completely abolishing an entire class of nuclear weapons from the earth. As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to discuss the status of progress on this proposal. During the Geneva talks, we also proposed major reductions in strategic offensive weapons. The Western Alliance has put forward many far-reaching proposals to reduce the risk of conventional war and completely ban chemical weapons. As we reduce these armaments, I also assure you that we will maintain the ability to deter Soviet aggression at any level. We are working with many allies to study the "Strategic Defense Concept" plan. We are not basing deterrence on threats of retaliation, but focusing on real defense. In short, this defense system will not target civilians, but protect them. In this way, security in Europe and the world will be enhanced. But we must keep in mind a crucial fact: East and West believe in each other because we are armed, we are armed, and because we do not trust each other. What makes East and West differ is not the weapon itself, but the different understandings of freedom. When President Kennedy addressed City Hall 24 years ago, freedom was under siege and Berlin was under siege. But today, despite all the enemy's pressure on the city, Berlin still stands safely in the light of freedom, and freedom itself is changing the world. In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been reborn. Across the Pacific, free markets are creating one miracle of economic growth after another. In industrialized countries, a technological revolution is taking place, marked by the rapid development of computers and telecommunications. In Europe, only one country and the satellite states it controlled refused to join the liberal camp, but in an era of exponential economic growth, in an era of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faced a choice: it had to make fundamental changes, otherwise it would become obsolete. Therefore, today represents hope. We in the West are ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, break down the barriers that separate people, and build a safe and free world. I think there is no place more suitable as a starting point than Berlin, a place that connects people from the East and the West. Free people of Berlin, the United States will abide by and implement the 1971 Four Power Agreement today as it has in the past. Let us take this opportunity to mark the city's 750th anniversary to welcome a new era and build a more fulfilling and prosperous Berlin. Let us maintain and develop the links between the Federal Republic of Germany and West Berlin, as allowed by the 1971 agreement. And I will invite Mr. Gorbachev: Let's do more work together for the people of East and West Berlin to bring them closer together so that all the residents of Berlin can enjoy the joy of living in one of the world's greatest cities. To further open Berlin to all of Europe, the East and the West, we need to expand important air routes into the city and make commercial air services to Berlin more convenient, comfortable and economical. We look forward to the day when West Berlin can one of the major aviation hubs across Central Europe. Together with our French and British counterparts, the United States is preparing to hold various international conferences in Berlin. For the city of Berlin, it would be more appropriate to convene a United Nations conference or an international conference on issues such as human rights and arms control that require international cooperation. There is no better way to bring hope to the future than to light up the hearts of young people. We will be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges (in East and West Berlin), various cultural events, and other events for East Berlin youth. Our French and British friends, I am sure, will do the same. I also hope that the East Berlin authorities will sponsor visits by West Berlin youth. The last suggestion I have in mind is that sport is a source of joy and nobility. You may notice that South Korea has allowed some events of the 1988 Summer Olympics to be held in the north. Various international sports competitions can also be held in both parts of the city. If one year in the future, the Olympic Games can be held in Berlin-East Berlin and West Berlin-what better way to show the world the openness of Berlin as a city? In these 40 years, as I said, you Berliners have built a great city. You did it despite many threats-checkpoints and blockades imposed by the Soviet Union. Despite the challenges that this wall symbolizes, the city thrives. What kept you going? Of course there are many reasons, such as your perseverance, your courage to resist. But I believe that some of the reasons are deeper and involve Berlin's overall perception and lifestyle, not just sentiments. No one can live in Berlin for long and have full illusions. They see the difficulties of life in Berlin, but choose to accept them. Despite being surrounded by a totalitarian system that imprisons human vitality and hope, they continue to build this beautiful, proud city. It was a powerful voice that said "yes" to the city, to the future, and to freedom. In short, I would call this kind of thing "love"-deep and lasting love. Perhaps this is the root cause of the problem, and this is the most fundamental difference between East and West. Totalitarianism is backward in world production because it violates this spirit and hinders human impulse to create, enjoy, and feel. The totalitarian world even finds the symbols of love and religion an insult. A few years ago, before East Germany began rebuilding its own church, they built a secular building: the Alexanderplatz TV Tower. Since then, East German authorities have been working to correct what they see as a major flaw in the tower, dumping various paints and chemicals on the glass balls on top of it. However, only to this day, whenever the sun shines on these glasses, the sun still shines a cross. Here, in Berlin, the symbol of love, the symbol of worship, will not be suppressed. When I looked out from the Reichstag, the embodiment of German unity, I saw a string of spray paint on the Berlin wall, which might have been written by a young Berliner,"This wall will eventually fall, and dreams will eventually come true." "Yes, throughout Europe, this wall will eventually fall, because it cannot withstand the test of conscience, it cannot withstand the questioning of truth, and it cannot withstand the expectation of freedom! I would like to say one more word before concluding. I already know-and I was asked-that there were some demonstrations when I came here. I want to say one thing to those protesters, I don't know if they thought that if they did have the kind of government they want to have, no one would be able to do what they are doing now. Thank you all and God bless you. Follow-up results: 29 months later, in response to fierce protests from East Germany, Gorbachev allowed Berlin citizens to tear down the wall, and the Soviet Union disintegrated shortly after; tearing down the wall became an important factor in the drastic changes in Eastern Europe. In September 1990, Ronald Reagan, who had stepped down as President of the United States, went to Berlin again, personally raised a hammer, and symbolically knocked on the ruins of the Berlin Wall. Helmut Kohl, the first president after the reunification of Germany, said he would never forget Reagan standing by his side and calling on Gorbachev to tear down the Berlin Wall. Cole said: "He is a blessing to the world, especially to Europe. Although there are some opinions that Reagan's words did not help the fall of the Berlin Wall, the speech has become an important moment during the Cold War.